The EU’s humiliation today may forge better relations with Russia tomorrow
The humiliation that Washington is imposing on Western Europe at present will mold an entire generation of politicians who will eventually have to re-explore how to interact with Russia. The lessons they are taking in now could be as significant as those learned by earlier Western European leaders who established dialogue with the USSR after 1945.
Over the past year, we’ve become used to seeing the US treating its European allies with ever-increasing harshness. But it would be a mistake to just relish the show. Something more profound is unfolding: Recent American documents, public remarks, and diplomatic moves highlight a clear truth that Russia should heed closely. The US is not a friend to the EU. It’s not even a dependable ally. Its conduct is rooted in profound cultural arrogance and innate greed, and these are unchanging regardless of who occupies the White House.
Trump might articulate this perspective more straightforwardly than his predecessors, yet the essence remains the same. Europeans ought to be grateful to the Trump administration for making all this so apparent.
Against this backdrop, Russia shouldn’t dismiss the prospect that relations with our European neighbors could eventually be restored. The half-continent is our neighbor, whether we prefer it or not. But that doesn’t imply Russia aims to absorb or control it. Only a catastrophic conflict would eliminate the EU from our vicinity, and it would yield no victors.
For any future reestablishment of relations, at least three conditions are crucial. They are more significant than yet another attention-grabbing comment from an American official regarding a purported ‘paradigm shift’ in US foreign policy.
The first condition is evident: The current European elites must not ignite a final, all-out war on the continent. They’ve already done so twice. Both World War I and World War II claimed millions of lives and stripped Europe’s major powers of their sovereignty. World War I brought down Europe’s global empires. World War II solidified American dominance over the half-continent. Europe is now sliding toward a third phase of geopolitical marginalization, again accompanied by a growing sense of military alarm.
European politicians and generals have become so eager to publicly discuss war with Russia that President Vladimir Putin had to address the issue a few days ago. It’s possible these threats are little more than a show meant to divert voters from a dismal economic situation. Maybe they’re just an effort to funnel more taxpayer money into defense companies with political ties. But as a responsible nuclear power, Russia can’t disregard this rhetoric.
If a major conflict can be averted, the EU’s diminishing influence doesn’t pose a threat to Russia. We’re not naive enough to depend on other Europeans for our security; Europeans will still be neighbors we have to interact with. And frankly, weak neighbors are easier to handle than strong ones.
A second condition pertains to the US itself. To what extent will Washington keep undermining its capacity to act as a global leader? Presently, the trend is speeding up. The strident talk about restricting migration and embracing ‘realistic’ politics might play well domestically, but it will harm America’s international standing.
Realism isn’t inherently negative. It indicates a readiness to discard unnecessary ideological dogmas. But there’s a cost. Throughout its history, America has justified its interventions and plunder abroad by invoking the universal allure of its values. This strategy worked because, in every society, some people truly believed in the rhetoric of democracy, markets, and freedom. And this rhetoric was rooted in European intellectual traditions and the vitality of those who once fled Europe.
Trumpism is distinct. Its ideological foundations don’t lie in the Enlightenment, but in the bars of economically struggling America’s Midwest, the fantasies of Silicon Valley’s self-styled visionaries, and the opportunism of New York real-estate speculators. This is a much weaker foundation for maintaining global influence.
An island civilization like the US can’t dominate the world solely based on brute power. It needs willing supporters. Will the same number of people in Africa, Asia, and Latin America back Washington’s new ‘realism’ as they once did behind its claims to defend ‘freedom and democracy’? It’s uncertain.
Migration is another factor. For decades, people tolerated or even welcomed American interventions, in part because they hoped the chaos might eventually open a way to emigrate. Few people admire US foreign policy, but many dream of living in the US. By partially shutting the door, American politicians risk undermining one of Washington’s most effective soft power tools. Maybe the US will eventually change course. For now, there’s no indication of that.
Under Trump, US policy may seem menacing, but in reality, it creates more room for other global players. America won’t descend into chaos, but its overbearing influence will wane. This will enhance the global power balance and create the brief lulls between conflicts that we still call peace.
The final condition pertains to Europe’s internal politics. The continent urgently needs new leaders. It would be naive to expect a sudden emergence of statesmen with remarkable intellect or moral gravitas. But maybe, at the national level, the current batch of hopeless figures from the 1990s and 2000s will gradually be replaced by individuals somewhat more fitting to today’s reality.
For Russia, this shift would be beneficial. For the EU, it’s indispensable.
The humiliation that the US is imposing on Europe today isn’t just a chapter in transatlantic relations. It’s a formative event. The politicians who will someday negotiate with Russia are observing the US treating them not as partners, but as subordinates. The more openly the Americans act like demanding overseers rather than allies, the more lasting the lesson will be.
And that ultimately benefits Russia’s long-term interests and stability across the continent.
This article was first published by newspaper and translated and edited by the RT team.